Urban tourism has modified residential and commercial use in cities to meet tourist demands in the last decade (Vollmer, 2019). This has led to the displacement of residents from those neighbourhoods under tourism intensification, what is known as `tourism gentrification¿ (Gotham, 2005). This phenomenon creates a strong controversy between locals and tourists of the main tourist destinations, especially in the old town where the most sightseeing points are located (Calle Vaquero, 2019). As a result, protest and resistance movements have emerged for the right to the city (Colomb & Novy, 2017). In this context, the eruption of peer-to-peer platforms such as Airbnb has been decisive in the loss of habitability in cities, due to it reduces the long-term rental market (Brossat, 2019). Numerous studies have analysed the spatial dimension of short-term rental as a topical issue, together with other contextual factors (e.g., Gutiérrez et al., 2017; Jiang et al., 2022): regulated tourist accommodation (e.g., hotels), cultural and leisure offer (e.g., monuments and museums), catering trade, nightlife (e.g., bars and pubs), and souvenir shops. Furthermore, the spatial analysis of the Airbnb offer has been conducted including other sociodemographic and economic explanatory variables related to population registration and demographic change, housing, rental price, revenue and rent gap (e.g., Shabrina & Arcaute, 2022; Wachsmuth & Weisler, 2018). Nevertheless, most studies analyse quantitative variables based on tourist attractions and very few define a mixed indicator system considering also qualitative descriptors (e.g., Encalada-Abarca et al., 2022). Among them, the qualitative ones have completed the approach to the knowledge of touristification in cities through mapping (e.g., Garcia-Ayllon, 2018).
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